Challenges To Peace In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A Constructivist Analysis Dissertation Sample

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1.0 Chapter 1: Introduction of Challenges To Peace In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

The “Israel-Palestine conflict” has been going on for more than seven decades in which the “Middle East” and many others around the world have considered the conflict as a central and defining historical, political, and personal event. Unfortunately, many efforts have failed to bring about a clear solution of this confrontations; the situation has been full of sporadic hostility, diplomatic crises, and uncertainty (Rehan, 2023). Despite far greater focus on military, political or legal aspects, this dissertation uses constructivist epistemology to examine the less obvious causes of non-peace identity, memory, symbols, and needs.

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Backgrounds

The leading source of the conflict is “Zionist and Palestinian national movements,” which arose in the second half of the 19th and in the first half of the 20th centuries in connection with the process of decolonization of the Middle East within the framework of the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the subsequent British colonialism (Zhao, 2024). The actual armed conflict starts with the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and the creation of the State of Israel with it which resulted in the displacement of Palestinians in their hundreds of thousands. Since then, different wars, uprisings known as Intifadas and peace initiatives have formed the present conditions of political and social life on the territories of modern Israel and Palestine.

Research Aim and Objective

Research Aim

The main research questions of this dissertation shall seek to establish the various obstacles that hinder the attainment of sustainable peace in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the constructivist theory.

Research Objective

The research objectives of this following research are described as follows.

• To identify the main barriers that mainly prevent Palestine and Israel from establishing of positive peace.
• To determine the conflict that endures the inadequate type of leadership with the political interactions.
• To identify the integration of security concerns of Israel regarding the regional proxy and nuclear ambitions for the formulation of peace strategy.
• To determine the key reason of failure of peace process like “Camp David Summit” and “Oslo Accords” fir enduring the peace.
• To identify the policy measurement that are developed for tackle the conflicts and the fundamental roots for promotion of the reconciliation efforts.

Problem statement

Most of the researches of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are based on material interests and power sharing regarding resources, borders, or leadership; yet the psychological, semiotic, and psychological components are left out (Nazir et al. 2022). Traditional approaches to conflict management do not fully recognize these enduring conditions, and thus short-term solutions are reached by which conflicts can be reignited under symbolic or psychological pressure.

Define the research questions

Main Research Question

1. What is the role of the historical memory, symbolic narratives and collective identities contributes for resolving the “conflict of Israel-Palestine”?

Sub Research Question

1. What are the main “discursive and psychosocial barriers” that prevent Israel and Palestine from establishing of positive peace?
2. How the complex nature of “political narratives and the inadequate leadership” do plays the contribution despite of presence of grassroots efforts?
3. In what ways does Israel take into account security of external threats of Iran’s nuclear weapon plans and “regional proxy wars” in terms of the “peace striving approach”?
4. What is shortcoming related to process and discursive that contributes to the failure processes such as the “Camp David Summit” and “Oslo Accords” for the establishment of the endure peace?
5. What are the key strategies that should help in policy measurement and the tackling of the conflicts and fundamental roots during the promotion of the reconciliation efforts?

Explanation of significance

This research has a relevancy to the “peace and conflict” studies field by moving away from numerous structural and material factors that influence behaviors and turning the attention to ideational and emotional factors. Taking “Galtung and Burton’s theories” as the theoretical framework into consideration, the research pays much attention to the concept of defining peace not only as a lack of war but as justice, dignity, and recognition (Ballesteros et al. 2022). It also opens a new practical and theoretical agenda for those policy makers, diplomats, and academics interested in the search of the peace in the Israeli Palestinian conflict.

Outline of theoretical framework

Explanation of the Constructivism theory

According to Efgivia et al. (2021) described the depth analysis for the theory of “ Constructivism”. Constructivism is an approach in world politics as advanced by “Alexander Wendt” leading to the presupposition that “social reality” is constituted through interaction. “Constructivism Theory” plays an important role that helps to understand the conflicts that raised in case of “Israeli-Palestinian” (Olsson, 2023). This theory is one type of “learning theory” by which one individual person can easily construct understanding and knowledge by interactions and the experiences.

Overview of “Burton and Galtung” as supportive lens

According to Lӧtter and Bradshaw, (2024) the role of “Burton and Galtung lens” in providing support for analyzing its effective role. The “Galtung s theory” is one type of concept that helps in the development of “structural violence” from the economic, political, and social structures. “Johan Galtung’s theory of positive and negative peace” is quite enlightening in providing a clear division. “Negative peace” lacks social interactions such as fighting and killing while positive peace involves elements like justice, fairness as well as healing (Oliveira, 2023). Galtung explains “acts of violence” that exist in the structures. “John Burton” classified some needs to be invariable requirements for any form of sustainable peace and those include identity, recognition, participation, etc.

Outline of methodology

As the study is focused on the experiences, thoughts and perceptions of the participants, the “research design” is qualitative and the analysis “constructivist” (Nazir et al. 2022). It entails the collection of “secondary data”, such journals, academic articles, speeches, media and other data collected by other researchers. In terms of method, “thematic analysis” is employed in the research in order to identify specific themes about post-stroke identity, symbolism, and unfulfilled human need.

For the purpose of this research, the “constructivism epistemology” is designed using a “qualitative discourse analysis”. The selected material for the current study consist in analyzing political speeches, documents related to the peace process, media discourses and academic texts that describe and define Israeli and Palestinian identities. This way, the research analyzed the language, identity and narrative of both the parties in order to understand the role that collective memory plays in the conflict.

Dissertation roadmap

Chapter 1	Description of the background, “constructivism theory”
Chapter 2	Discussion of the “structural and symbolic challenges”
Chapter 3	Discussion of identity and human needs using the framework of John Burton’s
Chapter 4	Description of historical analysis and contemporary
Chapter 5	Brief discussion on some of “external threats and constructed notions”
Chapter 6	Identification of some policy and recommendations

Table 1: Roadmap

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Challenges To Peace In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A Constructivist Analysis Dissertation Sample

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2.0 Chapter 2: Challenges faced for achieving the positive Peace

Description of the “Symbolic barriers with some structural barriers” for developing peace

Most attempts to establish peace in the Israeli A Palestinian conflict have been futile as the settle for land and laws when people require identity, security and voice. When the basic human needs such as identity and recognition are missing, it is not enough just to disagree with someone.

Palestinian people suffer a lot, and this has been apparent from the responses of participants in the survey. They desire to have their past, homes, and the right to a country to be recognised. Some were displaced from their homeland in the year 1948 and to date, have not forgotten their losses. Hence, people feel helpless when it comes to their territories or lives, specifically, people in Gaza and West Bank.

Instead, Israelis bear another kind of concern – that is, the uneasiness rooted in social relations with different people from different political backgrounds, ethnic origins, and cultures. Thus, after holocaust and other threats they demand protection and for that purpose they want a powerful force. They also wish other people to embrace Israel as home for the Jews, with no prejudice. However, when such recognition does not occur, fear is converted to mistrust.

It is here where both male and female participants have common ground- a sense of self, or, to be more precise, a level of identity development and a certain amount of apprehension. This paper argues that both perceive each other as a threat in terms of storyline and existence. This is why agreements are not achieved when peace there is emphasis on borders or polity only. They lack the provision of a passionate aspect; feelings that may be very tight to fetch in marriage for instance affection.

Constructivism helps explain this. It asserts that the human behavior is not an action of facts, but an action of beliefs and memories. It is the belief of this writer that for peace to work then both parties need to be acknowledged, accepted, and recognized. And only then can they cease the constant process of being afraid of one another and start to envision a new type of existence equally based on reasonable expectations and shared ideals.

Cartesian divides in the aspects of symbolic as well as structural variables characteristic of the conflict between “Israel and Palestine” make it difficult to progress towards a lasting peace. “Memory, trauma, identity, and narrative” can be considered as the types of symbolic barriers in therapy. Structural factors incorporate political systems, security forces, displacements, economic disparities, homes, and military occupation.

That is why it is sometimes difficult to solve the symbolic problems as those are connected with emotions and beliefs. For instance, for the Palestinian Arab, such key events as the Nakba of 1948 becomes a traumatic event when they were deprived of their land and dignity (Popowski, 2023).

Use of the “Galtung’s Peace Theory” and Constructivism

Conflict seems to be an almost inevitable part of human existence and to express this idea. “Michael Kearney” emphasizes the “dichotomy of conflict” as war and peace in the work Vision, Mind, and Conflict. The “Dual Brain” and “Interpersonal Universals” that define competitiveness in war and cooperation in peace.

“Galtung’s structural vision” of peace when viewed through constructivist lens provides a very elaborate and complex explication of the long-standing conflict such as the one in the “Middle East, Israel and Palestine” (Kirabo Petersson, 2022). Galtung came up with a new perspective of analysing peace, different from the definition of the lack of conflict, proposing the negative and the positive peace.

“Galtung’s Triad: Direct, Structural, and Cultural Violence”

According to Galtung, the “culture dimension” consists of three cycles of violence ly; direct, structural and cultural. “Direct violence” indicates the physical aggressions like terrorism activities, war, etc. In the Israeli-Palestinian context, this includes rocket attacks, bombing, and open combats (Ashraf and Baqi, 2023). “Structural violence” can be described in rigid policy and culture standards that work to place one group in an inferior position to the other. Some of the examples of this conflict involve access to resources, separations involving the construction of fences such as the “apartheid wall, checkpoint systems, and permit system” of movement for Palestinians mainly in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Lastly, “cultural violence” entails the stories, beliefs and images that support or rationalize the two preceding kinds of violence, like extremism of nationalist rhetoric or religious fundamentalism to support territorial calamities.

It needs to be noted that these forms of violence are interrelated since they build on each other (IBOBO and ETEMIKE, 2024). For instance, the structural disadvantage brings about animosity resulting in actual physical force and violence that in turn is rationalized through cultural narratives of both parties.

Discussion on Constructivism and understanding the “Social Construction of Conflict”

Constructivism, one of the distinctive approaches to international relations, asserts that some of the essential components of the world including security dangers, identities, and interests – are not inherent but socially built (Junior, 2022). In the case of Israeli-Palestinian relations, identification of the “other” is shorthand for historical saga, affective recall and political discourses.

For instance, optimism in changing the behavior of the other is influenced by collective memory of the holocaust informing an existential security lens among the Israelis. Likewise, cultural identity of Palestinian people is associated with the catastrophe known as the Nakba of 1948 with hundreds of thousands of Palestinians displaced and continues to be perceived in Palestinian society as an injustice and a loss of the land (Khalid, 2022).

Concept of positive vs negative peace

Positive vs. Negative Peace: The Unresolved Conflict

The current state of affairs in the region of “Israel and Palestine” is the perfect epitome of a negative peace. Even if large-scale violence may decrease for a period of time the underlying problems, ly the settlements issue, displacement of Palestinians, lack of their state and political and trust relations, stay acute (McInerney and Archer, 2023). Yes, positively-orientated peace or positive peace is possible when the societies’ security issues are also in addition considered the society structure issues, cultural representations, and people’s feelings and symbolic requirements of both parties.

Although the “Oslo Accords” was viewed as a heavenly solution, it didn’t succeed partially because of this. The large part of them emphasized political channels and state constructionism, but failed to address “history, respect, and recognition”. This is why absence of these elements will mean that peace is nothing more than a mere abstinence from hostilities.

Discussion on the key role of “memory, Identity, and Trauma: Psychological Walls”

Both collective “memory and trauma” take significant part in the peace process, in the continuation of the war. The Holocaust, therefore, is not an event in history for Israelis but an existential story that gives a rationality to the insecurity and the establishment of Israel (Muhammad and Riyanto, 2021). Thus, the “Nakba” stands for displacement, continued military occupation and settler-colonial practices as well as non-fulfilment of the “Palestinian refugees’ rights”. Such memories are collective and are echoed from one generation to another and thereby making up a nation’s identity.

In such case identity is not only oppositional but also collective: the population forms an identity in order to oppose another population. There is no trick to being Israeli; one is either not Palestinian and vice versa (Laghssais, 2023).

Abstract of security barriers, settlements and blockades

Security Barriers, Settlements, and Constructed Threats

Checkpoints, apartheid walls, and settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories as well as the exigent siege on the Gaza strip are often being defended by Israeli’s leaders in the of security. But from the constructivist perspective, these measures are not simple reactions to possibilities of threat. They are based on memories of history, presumed threats and emotions that people have towards the ‘other’ (McInerney and Archer, 2023). For Palestinians the latter are not only physical barriers, but political ones that represent occupation, subjugation and lack of sovereignty.

Description of the “emotional narratives and Constructed threats”

There remains the tendency on the part of both countries to build an emotional discourse that produces the other as an entity that threatens its existence. In Israel, Palestinian is stereotyped as a terrorist; this has been enhanced by media, school books, and speeches by politicians (Khalid,, 2022). In perception, Palestinian’s narratives make the Israelis as occupiers and the suppressors. These depictions are potent; the threat cannot be protested ‘rationally’, nor countered through the offer of peace.

Failure of the peace agreement and symbolic needs

People reject peace not only due to territorial or political issues and power-sharing but because they do not pay attention to symbolism of conflict. Acknowledgment of suffering, respect for the opponent’s worth, as well as the acceptance of the narratives of the parties involved are significant aspects of any post-war rebuilding (Junior, 2022). Indeed, the omission of these symbolic requirements makes a peace accord rather empty and ipso facto dooms it to failure.

According to Bayazid, (2024) described the absence that raised between the Israel and Palestine and highlighted the various complex disputes like “Oslo Accords in 1991” etc. The author also highlighted the two type of state solutions to mitigate the conflicts between the Israel and Palestine. The author also mentioned that to US plays another big role in supporting the Israel from the military, financial and the diplomatic support. The author also describes about the dynamics powers of Palestine between 1948 to 2024. Finally the author also mentioned that the peace failure is not only happened due to historical injustice but also for the geopolitical biases that are the main barriers for the “peace agreement”.

All in all, which has been presented within the filed of constructivist paradigm, Galtung’s peace theory indicates a point that is ignored in the everyday discourse on peace ly, that peace is about politics as well as territories, about identities as well as histories, and about meanings as well as power (Ashraf and Baqi, 2023). Without addressing these aspects of structure, culture, and the psyche it is unlikely that there will be any lasting peace in the Israeli-Palestine situation. Constructivism suggests that if conflict is socially created, then peace can also be created through attempt at communication and cooperation, understanding of one another, and having a common vision of the future.

3.0 Chapter 3: Conflict resolutions and the Human needs

3.1 Recognition and Identity in the Entire Peace Process

As in many similar conflicts in the world, there is an element that seems to be missing in the case of the “Israeli-Palestinian confrontation”: recognizing basic human necessities. According to “John Burton’s Human Needs Theory”, there are basis fundamental reasons that explain why most forms of political negotiations do not work (Pratiwi et al. 2022). Burton’s assertion on conflict is not born out of business interest but basic human needs ly, recognition, identity, security and participation are unmet or denied. Needs cannot be bargaining chips or be exchanged, in a manner that one party feels they have been shortchanged, and this leads to conflict.

Recognition and “Identity as Core Needs”

At the center of the problem that emerged in “Israel and Palestine”, it is find the fundamental questions of “identity and identity negotiations”. Both “Israelis and Palestinians” wish their stories, pain and desire to live in their own country to be recognized. Recipients for Palestinians are facial recognition of Palestinians as a nation with a national agency recognized and entitled to self-determination and sovereignty to the territory (Lehrs et al. 2022). A political argument has long developed in that most Palestinians are treated as a mere humanitarian issue and not a political subject with a right to have self-determination in international politics. This is why it is very frustrating and people turn into rebels demanding both, the ground and the recognition of their existence and living through the wall.

To “Israel self recognition” means that the Jewish nation has every right to seek a country, state that shall protect Jewish people from scale persecution (Blondheim and Stergiou, 2023). This is because any attempts made towards minimizing the Israeli state’s legitimacy are seen by many Israelis as a denial of one’s self-identification, in effect, turning many Israelis into defensive politics and threats obsessed individuals. This is because when Palestinian resistance is ascribed to anti Israeli more than anything else, it solidifies the Israelis’ apprehension and decreases the confidence.

3.2 The Needs of the Palestinian People

The most significant challenge of the Israel-Palestine conflict is that the Palestinian people until now believe their basic necessity needs remain unaddressed. First of all, they expect to have the right of return, and it means that Palestinians want to live in the houses and territories which belonged too many of their ancestors prior to the establishment of Israel in 1948. During that period, many Palestinian had to flee their homes, and up to this date, they regard this act as unjust.

Second, they wish to have their own state (Leiner, 2025). However, Palestine manages and owns a few land; they do not dominate it as the so called ‘real’ country dominates it. It would be quite unexpected for the majority of the countries to recognize the fact that Palestinians have their own right for state though such a right has never been granted to them.

Third, Palestinian’s autonomy, or complete control of their assets and affairs without outside influence. Today, some Palestinian individuals continue enduring the control of Israel; some live in the West Bank and some in Gaza Strip; they do not have the freedom to decide on their own.

3.3 The Needs of the Israeli People

On the other side, the necessities and needs of the Israelis are also very high as well. This is one of the most critical stakeholders’ requirement that they have within their company. Hence, a large number of Jews think that they have to be protected all the time, for example, after the Holocaust or other previous evils. As such Israel is well equipped angered and those who want to visit the country or leave the country are strictly scrutinized.

Israel also aims to be recognized, that is for others including the Palestinians and other Arab nations to recognize Israel’s existence. This has not been the case in the past or the present and especially causes fear and distrust.

Finally, most of the Israelis would like the other party to recognize Israel as the haven for the Jewish people. They wish the world to comprehend that Israel is a country that provides the protection that the Jewish people require as well as their nation (Abba and Bello, 2024). But some Palestinians fear that such a notion can deprive them of their rights or make them a minority if not inferior citizens.

3.4 The Reason behind Peace Processes Keep Failing

Several attempts have been made in the attempt to establish some sort of peace; the chief ones being the Oslo agreement in the early 1990s and the Camp David Summit in 2000. But they failed. And if these peace talks mainly addressed the issues of land and borders as well as political negotiations. While they were able to relieve people from mental illnesses, they did not deal with the emotional and symbolic problems: identity, memory, and PTSD.

For instance, Israel believes it is an aggrieved nation and should be given sympathy, while Palestine does the same (Agyei 2021). The cycle of violence will not permit peace on its own; if only one party will be allowed to give his or her point of view while the other will be forced to keep quiet, the side that was silenced will not accept the peace deal. The primary rationale for their failure is that they do not touch on such perceptions within the disputing parties.

3.5 Constructivism and the reasons behind its importance

To elaborate this, the theory of Constructivism can be helpful. The idea under discussion states that there are more than simple observations which shape perceptions about the reality there are ideas, memories, and identity there as well. People against their will follow what they think is right even though other people may have different perception on the same.

Essentially, the two sides here have two distinct and rather different narratives, Israelis and Palestinians. These know the holocaust and are prepared to believe that safety is the most important thing (Foit 2022). In remembering the Nakba, the day that many Palestinians were displaced and made refugees, these are the ideals that come to mind for Palestinians. Each party perceives the other as dangerous not only in terms of behavior but in opinion as well.

The explanation demonstrates that the dispute extends beyond territorial disputes. People use Gender to express how they want to be recognized and to understand others as well as how others recognize them. The lack of feeling safe together with the experience of being disrespected or misunderstood between Israelis and Palestinians blocks any possibility of mutual agreement.

3.5.1 “Role of the identity in the Conflict”

Both Israelis and Palestinians have strong identities. The Palestinian people wish to be recognized by the global society with a right to their own country. Much as Israelis desire the global community to accept their country as the Jewish homeland.

This is why peace needs more than the lip service of leaders in addition to the ‘no violence’ pledge that is cherished by their followers, papers and signatures (Arantes and Pinheiro, 2024). Thus, it requires not only acknowledgement, the other person and his or her point of view as people, as priceless, as deserving to live. Without this, agreements don’t last.

3.5.2 Emotional Barriers and the Problem of Fear

Fear plays a big role too. Israelis are afraid of attacks. Their main concern centers around preventing US authority from establishing control or intervention in their affairs. The hope and battle of Palestinians results in the construction of barriers such as walls and check points and security checkblocks. Instead of promoting safety these measures end up harming the people and generating anger and distrust.

Also, both sides use strong emotional stories (Petzold, 2024). In Israel people and especially Palestinians are looked at as a threat. He insisted that in Palestinians’ eyes, Israelis are considered as intruders. These stories are taught in are taken to schools and uttered in speeches, so the hatred and the fear persist.

3.5.3 There Be Peace

Yes, but not unless the real of each party must be met in the process of the game playing. What it suggests in the theory of Constructivism is that just like That moment when people learned to hate them also learns how to understand.

One of them, and it is also believed, that is the concept of peace is not only political. It’s also about people’s will and passion. Thus, if both sides can start to look at each as normal, equal beings, opposed to opponents, they might be capable of forming a future together.

4.0 Chapter 4: Historical and Contemporary Analysis (Narratives and National Memory in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict)

4.1 Introduction

The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is one of the age-long and probably the most contentious conflicts in the world. Thus, the conflict is not just geographical or political but, to a significant extent, carried in the genes of both parties and based on their self-identities. These are the cultures that have been time and again taught, to the present generation, to define the belligerents and how they view their enemy. Even with the efforts made in the peace negotiation process, there is no sustainable and lasting peace as both the Israel and Palestinians have different perceptions of the stories of suffering and painful memories that they hold on as a nation. This chapter aims at establishing time line of some of the social-related events that have led to the emergence of the said consciousness in the development of the pillars on the two sides with regard to the issue. This essay explores how such occasions are recalled or explained plus how they are institutionalized to go on inspiring panic, prejudice and rebellion in the mindsets of people. In this regard, but using their perception as constructivism approach the chapter argue that these constructed perception are vital to any efforts meant at building reconciliation and sustaining the same.

4.2 The Balfour Declaration and the Birth of Conflicting Nationalisms

This paper shall focus on explaining the event that led to the formulation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was the Balfour Declaration of 1917. It declared the approval of the British government to make Palestine as a homeland for Jews, but it did not specify the political status of the already indigenous Arab population.

To the Jews, it meant the idea of a home for their people that they have been longing for after being a subject of oppression for several hundreds of years. For Palestinians it was a clear indication of their shift from becoming a nation to a people by slowly demanding them into submission (Lupovici, 2021). According to this declaration, influx of Jewish immigrants continued and this led to worsening of relations between the two groups. Thus, while Jewish settlers regarded themselves as returning to their homeland and rightful inheritance as promised by religious books, Palestinians considered the arrival of Jewish immigrants as European colonialism (Halabi and Sonnenschein, 2021). Thus, the two sides evolved similar nationalist tendencies based on the historical, identity and justice discourses. To note, these two stories jointly meant that the public’s future was characterised by violence and distrust.

4.3 The 1967 War and the Institutionalization of Occupation

Thus, Israel’s victory in the 1967 Six-Day War forms a new stage in territorial and, therefore, psychological struggle between Israelis and Palestinians. This war in the following six days has seen Israel occupying the west bank, Gaza strip, east Jerusalem, the Sinai peninsula as well as Golan heights. It was necessity for safety for many Israelis but marked the beginning of the long occupation that brought inevitable change in the Palestinian people’s life. It developed into having not only political significance but became a part of the very essence of the Palestinian population (Ersoy-Ceylan, 2023). Thus for Palestinians, the occupation meant not only a loss of territory, but also of sovereignty, freedom of movement and self-respect. Living in a hostile environment where many camps were surrounded by checkpoints, restrictions and settlements, the underlying message added up to that you were subjected to military rule (Javadikouchaksaraei et al., 2021). In contrast many Israelis saw the new territory as a security measure against future attacks and as their historical and religious rights. These perceptions went on to further foster the existing differences between the two communities. This war accordingly did not solve any conflict but extended the cult of the perpetual servicing/confinement of women and their children.

4.4 The First and Second Intifadas: Uprisings and Identity Reassertion

These two conflicts marked a turning point in the reality of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and impacted on the identity of both parties in different ways. The first one that started in 1987 can be said to have been a grassroots up rise which involved demonstrations, strikes and resisting to pay taxes. It pointed at the desire of Palestinians to come out assertive in claiming their territory and rights not in terms of fighting but in a more peaceful way (Bleibleh and Awad, 2020). Thus, the uprising brought their situation to the global limelight and created a spirit of burgeoning to rebel against the norms. The second uprising that started in the year 2000 was severally more aggressive and many times there were exchanges of fire, bomb blasts and military operations. It caused a thousand or more casualties on both sides and certainly polarized the people’s opinion. On the Palestinian side, the uprising confirmed their fight against the occupation while at the same time caused lots of pain. The event resolved insecurity for Israelis and contributed to the Palestinian – Israeli conflict skepticism of the effectiveness of peace initiatives (AlNajjar, 2020). While both uprisings relied on the combination of historical animosities, national pride and emotional injuries, the Palestinian uprising also glorified collective political aspirations. They also showed how the conflict had permeated virtually all spheres of existence and/or perception. Such cycles continued for a long time and during this period did not encourage any sense of reconciliation or build trust that would have suited the circumstances of future negotiations.

4.5 Peace Attempts: Oslo Accords and Camp David Summit

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict had previous efforts at seeking a solution in the framework of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s and the Camp David Summit in the year 2000. These processes were based on the two-state solution strategy that envisioned easy recognition with reduced violence and a view towards development of a shared living (Maoz and Ellis, 2021). At first the Oslo process had a positive impact on the situation, after signing the agreements and delegating the Authority between Israel and the PLO, and the Palestinians’ phased plan toward state-building. Despite the efforts made by the NFU and the government to reach an agreement, the attempts ultimately proved unsuccessful. While technical and territorial considerations were elaborated upon, the emotional and symbolic aspects of the conflict, which are often authoritarian in nature, were inadequately addressed. Key controversies that remained difficult to resolve include the right of refugees to return to their homes, the demand for Israel to be recognized as a Jewish state, and the status of Jerusalem. In this event, each side saw their right or concern being undermined, by the other party or dismissed by the power of majority. Failure of these negotiations resulted in disappointments meaning that the trust and cooperation between these nations had reduced (AlAgha and Abu-Dahrooj, 2021). For the many Palestinians, it only appeared to entrench the existing situation of occupation. For many Israelis the so-called “Osloy” was seen as evidence that concessions would not bring peace.

4.6 Recent Developments: Abraham Accords and U.S. Embassy Move

There have been some changes in the interaction between Israel and Palestine in the recent past due to new factors such as the accords and the shifting of the U.S. embassy in Jerusalem. The treaties that were signed in 2020 which helped Israel to ascertain diplomatic relations with some of the Arab countries like UAE and Bahrain (Amer, 2021). These agreements were applauded by most citizens of Israel as a positive development in diplomacy in the region, and as a way of being accepted by other nations.

Nonetheless, many Palestinians saw the Accords as a betrayal and believed that the Palestinian issue was not Palestinians’ priority anymore, but economic and strategic interests were the priorities. The embassy move itself was considered as the final step of the, and was completed in the same year to aggravate Palestinian disillusionment. It was perceived in Israel as the affirmation of its historical and legitimate right to the city’s rule. On the other hand, Palestinians viewed it as a unilateral action that diluted the chances of a Palestinian state to have east Jerusalem as its capital (Söyler, 2020). They have merely strengthened up existing rhetoric’s within these accounts on either side. There is more recognition and support toward the Jewish state but the Palestinians feel that they are losing recognition and rejection. These events have not only failed to bring the two parties any proximity to the aspect of attaining the rightful peace but have only further reinforced the gap of the emotional as well as political space.

4.7 The Role of National Myths, Education, and Media 200 words

Hence, people’s history and identities, institutions of learning, and mass media have a vital role to determine how Israelis and Palestinians view history, conflict and their place in it. In these two societies, they both have official history which is injected into school curriculum, remembrance celebrations as well as art (Ceylan and Kardaş, 2020). These are commonly held partial, presenting themes of suffering, heroism, and victimization in such a manner that cherishes the identity of one’s nation, while conveniently typecasting the other nation as the culprit. In Israel’s education system, prejudice, genocide, especially Holocaust, and the necessity of a homeland are highlighted. As for the Palestinians, the major themes are refugees, usurpation and al-Quid’s resistance. The above contrasting narratives are endured and passed on to the next generations, thus making the process of reconciliation a daunting undertaking. Media enhances such sectionalism since they have a way of presenting occurrences in an emotionally charged manner. Thus, the local perspectives of each society, political and cultural contexts, which are reflected in the news, also contribute to the further development of such a misunderstanding. Each group has a tendency to engage in the consumption of media content that reflects the views they already have, making mistrust and fear-dominant bubbles (Brenick et al., 2021). Hence, both populations are now, to some extent, cultivating their images of the ‘other’ perceived and constructed outside of primary cultural experience but through mediators of cultural commonalities.

4.8 Constructivist Analysis: The Other as a Social Construct

From the Constructivists view, the Israelis and Palestinians’ perception towards each other is not founded on realist sources of threats, but constructively based on the media, education, and experience. The identities of each group partly derive from the supposed qualities of the other. This makes social reality function on the basis of clear distinctions between the self and the enemy, which are influenced by historical experiences, past trauma, and a symbolic system of signs (Zelkovitz, 2021). The depiction of Palestinians with Israeli society is not far from depicting them as volatile and an existential threat to not only the state but also the social order. This perception is subject to past bad experiences of violence, manipulative political utterances as well as cultural memories. On the other hand, the Palestinians perceive Israelis as settlers, invaders and tyrants who deprive them of their liberty and human rights (Stein, 2021). There is ample evidence demonstrating that the dichotomous categories of male/female and masculine/feminine are not innate; rather, they are constructed by social environments, constant stimuli, and conditioning. Consequently, these identities are not 'natural' but can be transformed through discourse, knowledge, and changes in communication. If conflict is a social practice shaped by social relations, then peace can also be fostered by altering those relations.

4.9 Conclusion

This chapter has examined the subject of the historical and present-day Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of identity and story. The vision and perception that each side has towards the other has been influenced by aspects such as the Balfour Declaration, the 1967 war, the Intifadas, as well as the recent diplomatic process. These are not merely factual or categorical events; they are historical sign that condition present desire, activity and feeling. It was in education and from the media that the different national myths ensured the sustenance of these socially constructed identities and where compromise was made almost impossible. From the Constructivist perspective, one can identify the facts which have a major concern with identity, memory and narrative in conflict and should be taken into account while attempting to find conflict resolution. Hence, it can be noted that the idea of the ‘ other’ refers to the social reality and is not something that one should fight against.

5.0 Chapter 5 – External Threats and Constructed Security Narratives (Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah – Identity-Driven Security Discourses)

5.1 Introduction

The internationalization process has, indeed, played a passive role in influencing the perceptions and discourses of the Palestinians and the Israelis to the issue of national security. Some of the issues of concern to the Israeli political and media are threats posed by Iran, Hamas and hezbollah. Although Realism perceives these groups as genuine security threats through capabilities and motivation, constructivism provides an interpretation of such. It is in this light that this paper postures that threats emanate from social understanding, context, historical memory, symbols and individual/ group perception. This chapter reveals how these perceived threats play out in the Israeli and Palestinian account of identity and how the colonies, foreign and domestic policies built through the support of the regional identity blocs are creating a platform for conflict and threat perception.

5.2 Israel’s Security Doctrine and the Existential Threat Narrative

The following are the factors that have influenced Israel's national security, Holocaust, Arab Israeli wars and regional marginalization. This has fostered the idea of security as the notion of the existence of an existential threat. Security constitutes the ideological DNA of the state of Israel and is therefore one of the most important components of the foreign policy of the state. Our state can consider itself threatened continuously by both, the physical armed attack and the psychic, symbolic one (Cingöz et al., 2023). The doctrine calls for preventive action, speed in warfare, and acquisition of better intelligence. But at this point, the essence of this doctrine resides in perceiving it in the manner how it has been inserted into society through education, media and other discourses.

Indeed, “never again” and the facts that the state of the Jews came to be in danger of eradication in 1948 and 1973 make it impossible to overemphasize the importance of instant and vigorous reaction to any military, ideological, or demographic threat. Therefore, the issue of security is at the core of the Israeli conception of self that it has struggled to come to terms with the trauma of the holocaust and the development of a political culture that would ensure that such a tragedy is not repeated again in the future (Xu et al., 2021). This makes it easy to paint any outsider particularly those, who are labeled as anti-Israel or pro-Palestine subjects as a severe threat.

5.3 Iran’s Nuclear Program: More Than a Strategic Concern

In the context of security, Iran’s nuclear program has been depicted by the Israeli leadership as the greatest menace to its existence. While rationalist security premised its understanding of this threat with reference to balance of power and capability to acquire nuclear weapons in the region, Constructivism offers another perspective. It is not so much an economic or military threat that results from nuclear weapons, but an ideological and, thus, an identity-based threat between the two nations (Xu et al., 2021). Iran is seen as an enemy whose aim is not just in the political plan, but also a divine one of wiping out Israel off the face of the earth. There is nothing new to say about the way Israel perceives Iran: it is not just an opponent in the region, but an enemy-state with clear intentions of exterminating Israel. All these are explicitly supported by words, media and power rhetoric such as speeches which portray Iran as a threat and symbolic demonstrations like military maneuvers targeting Iranian installations (Efron, 2023). This framing defines Iran as the irrational and ideological threat that therefore can be preemptively threatened, lobbied for and spied on. It is this perception both of the rocket attacks and of Iran as a force counter to Israel’s principle of being a Jewish homeland in the Middle East. Thus, the threat is not only envisioned in the military aspects but rather in moral and existential ones.

5.4 Hamas and Hezbollah: Identity Construction through Resistance

Hamas and Hezbollah are two interesting counterparts that influence the identity clusters on both the Israeli and the Palestinian sides of the conflict. They are not only the military enemies of Israel but they also equal partners in their aim of eliminating Israel from the face of the earth. Such acts, threats, and association with Iran raise perceived security threats and Israelis’ sense of insecurity. Due to the Gaza Strip’s threats and due to the history of conflict in Lebanon, there is induced insecurity even when the people feel protected by what might be the second strongest army in the world (Katz, 2025). These experiences are then introduced as part of the national memory through means such as memorials, memorial days and school curricula and this puts the above groups as constant reminders of Israel’s vulnerability. For Palestinians and other regional actors, therefore, Hamas and Hezbollah are not terrorists, but resistance fighters against occupation and oppression. They have an undertone of freedom, respect, and choice (Fathollah-Nejad, 2023). Thus in the Gaza strip and some areas of the West Bank, Hamas is symbolized as a freedom fighter and charitable organization as opposed to a terror group. On the same note as well, Hezbollah has established its firm roots in Lebanon’s nationhood especially among the Shia congregations (Del Sarto, 2021). The following divergence of scenarios explains how even the same entity can be described as positively or negatively depending on the identity factors of each side. It also shows how the act of defining a certain group as terrorists or freedom fighters is very strategic when it comes to determining policies and the perception of the people.

5.5 Symbolism and Threat Narratives in Political Discourse

Politics is central to establishment of threat constructs as unique from other resources. In particular, the term “second Holocaust” or “existential threats” remains popular and actively used by politicians from both sides of the Israeli political spectrum, in election campaigns or when there is an upsurge in hostilities (Katz, 2025). These metaphors are particularly poignant to a society which links its nationality to the memories of oppression and suffering. In the same way, Iran and others calling for the end to the state of Israel as well as threatening the Jewish population in such a manner causes symbolic fuel to be added to the fire.

Although these statements can be seen as mere populistic and political intentions for the internal or at least regional electorate, they are read by the Israelis through the prism of the victim and the fight. However, both Hamas leaders and Hezbollah also use identity-based rhetoric in order to mobilize their constituencies by appealing to ‘religious’ and ‘national’ pride (Yazdani et al., 2025). They use such themes as resistance, martyrdom, and injustice in their media channels, education, and speeches. These constructions are also more difficult to analyze, as they are symbols for a specific kind of dialogue. In the light of threat where an out-group is viewed as selfish, evil, and prospect less, compromise is viewed as submission and backstabbing. From Constructivism one gets to see that it is not only specific material practices that define conflict, but the meanings that are put to the practices (Inbar and Fainberg, 2022). It meant that, as far as the United States was concerned, the spinning of the story was as crucial as launching a missile.

5.6 Regional Identity Blocs: Sunni, Shia, Arab, and Israeli Narratives

There is a sectarian and ideological divide in the Middle East and these related factors heavily influence how actors approach each other. Israel is traditionally seen as something more than a state, it is the bloc of the Western people with whom Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East share a neighboring continent but do not integrate with. This strengthens its feelings of loneliness and adds to the story of the lack of security in existence (Yazdani et al., 2025). A Shia-Muslim majority country Iran has declared and acted as a leader of the opposition to the Western and Zionist influences and that makes it an opponent of Saudi Arabia and Egypt respectively. The essence of sectarianism in the region thus appreciates challenges in constructing coalitions and deepens identity in conflict lines.

For instance, Hamas is Sunni and is funded by Shia Iran, an indication that the enemy of an enemy is a friend. Hezbollah, as a Shia group with close ties to Iran, serves as a proxy in the regional struggle for influence. These alignments showed that threats do not only come from the religious or ethnic differences rather it is fashioned through ideology (Köprülü, 2022). In terms of the identity blocs, the kind of changes such as the Abraham Accords mean only partial switches for Israel. However, what these realignments entail does not neutralize the long lasting perceptions of hostility that still remain in political thinking and even in the collective imagery.

5.7 Media, Education, and Institutional Reinforcement of Security Narratives

Both in the Israeli educational and media systems and in those of its enemies, threats are created. Alarmism is apparent when it comes to the specific themes of threats from Iran, tunnels dug by Hezbollah or any rocket fire by Hamas, which one can frequently read about in Israeli media Sources and with applicable registry of concern, threat, and preparedness (Bilgin, 2021). It is a tradition that military terms are often used in political speeches and this is further compounded when there is conflict. Looking into this concept, one must better investigate how school textbooks in Israel address external threats in the context of historical processes and the basis of Jewish victimization and defense mechanisms. They are imbibed from childhood, thereby, producing a generation that perceives security not as a policy as portrayed by populaces of other states.

At the same time, Iranian, Palestinian, and Hezbollah sources represent Israel in the framework of an occupying state posing a danger to the peace and justice. In educational texts there prevail antifascist components, resistance movements, appeals to national identity, and admissibility of the armed conflict (Saleh, 2021). Many of these institutional tools define the perception people develop about certain issues, exercise their rights and responsibilities in a democratic society. In integrating security issues in learning and news, these societies fashion a world view in which threatening forces should not be debated but can exist and be faced.

5.8 Constructivist Reflections: Threat Perceptions as Identity Expressions

According to the Constructivist view, threat can be seen not in terms of measurement and assessment of arsenals and motives of actors, but in terms of how actors perceive themselves and other actors. Hence, how any external threat is perceived in the Israeli case is related to the notion of being a people under siege (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2021). All decisions made by Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas appear to be observed through the prism of pure existential insecurity. To Iran and its followers, Israel is considered as the symbol of the West imperialist, West colonialist, and Zionist oppression and occupation. This enables them to create their own persona of being the ones who defend the vulnerables (Darwich, 2021). The NDA lends legitimacy to the resistance and gives a moral undertone to the violence rather than veneration. One can easily understand why such perceptions are incompatible; these are not merely factual perceptions, but meanings. Good communication is not forged by the absence of information, but rather by the absence of belief and fear. Most of the time, peace initiatives are doomed to stall because the elements of conflict perception exist in an unmodified form as narratives of one’s identity.

5.9 Conclusion

This chapter has thus focused on how strategic concerns alone are insufficient to explain Israel’s perception of Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah since these perceptions are partially born of the historical, memory and symbolism frameworks. Of course, existential threat like any other discourse is constructed through collective trauma, education, as well as the political process. These constructed threats do not only impact the realm of foreign policies but also the way in which Israeli society has been constructed and its position in the region constructed. From the Constructivist viewpoint, such threats are not just facts waiting to be gauged and recorded—they exist due to what we are and what we perceive other people to be. Thus, for a sustainable peace, it cannot be met simply by cutting the number of weapons or signing of many covenants. What is required is that each actor should transform its own perception and that of its enemies. This does not simply need diplomacy but discussions, modification in the education system and change in perception of people.

6. Chapter 6: Policy Recommendations & Conclusion (Reimagining Peace – Identity, Dialogue, and Reconciliation)

6.1 Introduction

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the oldest and clearly one of the most passionate modern conflicts. Though great attempts have been made in an attempt to find a solution to it, the problem remains a complex one that can be termed as the problem of peace. In this chapter, the author discusses the conclusions revealed throughout the previous chapters and identifies the major flaw of previous approaches to peace, ly the inapplicability of symbolic and identification aspects. It then presents a clear set of policy recommendations based on Constructivist theory and positive peace, such as education, cultural exchange, mutual recognition and change of identity. Such theoretical conceptions are also illustrated in terms of several countries – South Africa and Northern Ireland – as the possibilities of implementing the concepts of narrative and identity transformation. The last part draws conclusions about dialogue stemming from the aspect of identity as the primary foundation of the sustainable peace.

6.2 Summary of Key Findings

This dissertation has shown that, indeed, territory, borders, and statehood, while significant, are not the sole and the most profound factors that prevent or will hinder the future realization of peace between the Israeli and Palestinian societies. Instead, the fairly enduring psychological and symbols traits have emerged as very significant. These are national legends, suffering, memories and injustices that have not yet been healed (Ricarte, 2023). When applying the Constructivism as a paradigm this present study has revealed that indeed the Israeli and the Palestinian identity are constructed in opposition.

In the same manner, Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah are not just external foes but are considered as existential threats. Media, formal education institutions and the nation’s discursive practices perpetuate such identity related phobic reactions and build psychological barriers as strong as the physical one (Reichmann Popowski, 2023).

6.3 The Failure of Past Peace Processes: A Symbolic Blind Spot

One of the interesting phenomena more evident in all past peace processes is that, these have often tended to be imbued with Realist thinking at the same time setting aside symbolic imperatives. OSO agreements such as the Oslo Accords envisaged state-oriented strategies of conflict, its settlement through drawing the borderlines, which were added to bone by offering security assurances, and political legitimization, but ignored the intricate aspects of human conflict - emotional and psychological (Sari, 2022). Claims for refugee’s right, recognition of the Naqba and the Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem for example, were dismissed or sidelined. Likewise, Israel’s demand for recognition as the Jewish state and the necessity to ensure its security against non-state threats was seen as an ancillary concern or discussed in very limited terms.

This led to the Belgian voters’ disappointment in the political process, as well as the Wear Valley families’ disappointment in the Socialists.

6.4 The Power of Narrative Shift: Education and Cultural Diplomacy

To allow for any peace process to be sustainable, this means a change of mindset, of perception on part of the players involved. It does not involve erasing history or rejecting identity, but is the process of the more creative reconstruction of the self and Otherness (Alyan, 2023). Education and cultural diplomacy are some of the useful strategies that can help to attain such a change.

6.4.1 Reforming Education Systems

In the Israeli and Palestinian societies, social institutions, particularly education, decide how the younger generations should have a view about their nationality and the conflict. They tend to show only one side of history when telling their respective nation’s history and portraying it as the victim. The truth is that redefining curricula to address the factor of diversity, historical understanding the other side of the story and other principles of Peace education is crucial.

There has been an optimism on reciprocal exposure to learning environments that entail students from both the Israeli and Palestinian sides (Kokeyo, 2023).

6.4.2 Promoting Cultural Diplomacy

In addition to learning in classroom, cultural exchange can depersonalize individuals and delegitimize the stereotypes about the Other. Encounters in music and art, joint exhibitions, language learning and exchange, and plays are useful activities that affect the breakdown of hegemonic discourses.

Culture, indeed, should be a diplomacy that is people centered and must come from below. There should be the involvement of civil society organizations, youth groups, theatre, and music, and art educators from the two regions. When the opposition is not viewed as the enemy, but a person they have something in common with both, public enemy and enemy identity are not as rigid.

6.5 Reconciliation Strategies: Lessons from South Africa and Northern Ireland

Other societies have realized that their societies are greatly divided along the identity line and have come up with desperate ways of handling it. Because no model is transposable in a mechanical way, there are specific reasons why the South African and Northern Irish contexts may be most relevant to the Israeli-Palestinian case.

6.5.1 South Africa: Truth, Acknowledgment, and Institutional Reform

The post-apartheid South Africa institution aimed on identifying the violations that took place in the past and healing and recognizing victims through Truth and Reconciliation Commission. This method was not ideal however it assisted the nation to some extent to seek justice and forgive as a way of healing (Hamdi, 2022). A similar possibility could be found in the Israeli-Palestinian relations, where the memory of the Nakba coupled with Shoah memory could be used as the ground for identification with the suffering of the Other.

6.5.2 Northern Ireland: Power-Sharing and Civic Engagement

These policies incorporate the power-sharing agreements within Northern Ireland structure, cross-community institutions, as well as ongoing civil interactions. It was also different as it was not confined to only the representatives of the states, but the ordinary citizens were engaged in peace building. Integrational schools, and other civil society interactions such as dialogues and common building structures were significant in the destruction of bias by minorities (Hamber, 2021).

6.6 Constructivist Recommendations for Policy Reform

Based on the outcome of this research and guided by the principles of Constructivist paradigm, the following policies have been made:

6.6.1 Institutionalize Dual-Narrative Education

There is merit in the concept of having an inclusive approach to the teaching of historical events by using two complementary narratives, especially in teaching history and civics. I am fully aware of the necessity to provide both Israeli and Palestinian sources side by side with the students, making them blend and analyze.

This approach can be supported by joint teacher training, student exchange, as well as the use of bilingual educational materials (Munayer, 2023). Concerning the need to develop and consolidate such content at formal and informal levels, it is necessary for NGOs and peace education organizations to be assisted.

6.6.2 Establish a Joint Truth and Memory Commission

Documentation of the history of the conflict could be by forming a commission of historians, scholars, community leaders and members of the two sides most affected by the conflict. Unlike the legal tribunals which deals with the law, this body would deal with truth-telling, acknowledgement and amnesty.

Its purpose would not be to ak for many questions such as the following: What was his behavior? What did they do to her? How much did they abuse pharmaceuticals? Hence, involving the public, local media outlets or airing of programs and dialogues would further the reach of this program and its credibility.

6.6.3 Promote Civic Engagement Across Divides

The government of Israel and now the international support should focus more on enabling Israeli and Palestinian civilians to come in direct contacts not on political basis. These could range from the following areas of cooperation such as environmental stewardship cooperation, health, scholarly collaborations, disaster management cooperation (Yarchi and Ayalon, 2023). The Cold War approach is to encourage cooperation in those areas where people have common concerns, the establishment of which may act as a starting point for the facilitation of change in attitudes and development of new relations which make conflict difficult again.

6.6.4 Integrate Cultural Diplomacy into Peacebuilding

It is the desire of the governments, leaders of every culture, and global organizations to support and encourage such programmes as the film festivals, musical concerts, literary fests, and arts such as installations that are of a nonviolent nature.

It should be noted that the modern approach of the state in public diplomacy has shifted from propaganda to the establishment of relations. Cultural products remain unique for the reasons that they give a straight portrayal of given aspects of a certain culture; and at the same time use the power that such aspects have over others, to make people think while at the same time employing cross cultural photos to inspire sharing.

6.6.5 Encourage Religious Dialogue and Reinterpretation

Since the conflict has religious perspective, especially in the City of David particularly Jerusalem, religious people such as leaders and scholars should be involved in dialogue. Biblical interpretation and purveyance of nonracist and expansive religious mindset could be instrumental to the cause of reconciliation (Guelke, 2023). Intergroup forums may successfully combat the use of hate speech, tolerance, and religious endorsement to the peace process.

6.7 Final Reflections: Toward Identity Transformation

In essence, the issue that lies at the heart of the Israeli Palestinian conflict is identity, respect, and acceptance. These are not the issues that can be resolved by mere drawing of lines on the map. They need a complete theoretical, ideological and ontological radicalization reflecting upon self-identity, otherness, and shared living without hatred or ignorance.

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• Fathollah-Nejad, A. (2023). Iran's axis of resistance: Regional dynamics and implications. Middle East Policy, 30(1), pp. 55–70.

Chapter 5

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• Reichmann Popowski, V. 2023, 'Pieces of peace: Transpersonal approaches in Israeli-Palestinian peace-building events', Consciousness, Spirituality & Transpersonal Psychology, 4, pp. 46–63.
• Sari, A.T.P. 2022, 'The Palestinian-Israeli conflict during the Second Intifada in the perspective of constructivism and political strategy', Jurnal ICMES, 6(1), pp. 21–34.
• Alyan, H. 2023, 'What a Palestinian-American wants you to know about dehumanization', Teen Vogue. Available at:
• Kokeyo, E.A. 2023, 'Exploring the dynamics of social media in shaping narratives and perceptions in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: Preliminary reflections', African Journal of Emerging Issues, 5(17), pp. 181–194.
• Hamdi, T. 2022, Imagining Palestine: Cultures of Exile and National Identity. London: Bloomsbury Academic.
• Hamber, B. 2021, 'Dealing with the legacy of conflict in Northern Ireland through community-based approaches', Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 16(3), pp. 345–360.
• Munayer, S.J. 2023, 'Musalaha: A faith-based approach to reconciliation in the Israeli-Palestinian context', Journal of Interreligious Studies, 40, pp. 25–37.
• Yarchi, M. and Ayalon, A. 2023, 'Vicarious conflict and the ongoing violence in Israel and Palestine', Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 23(1), pp. 1–15.
• Guelke, A. 2023, 'Transposition and adaptation of models in post-conflict Northern Ireland and South Africa', Itinéraires, 2023(1).
• Rosen, Y. and Salomon, G. 2024, '"Looking at myself critically": Fostering Jewish and Palestinian-Israeli students' understanding of the other', Teaching and Teacher Education, 125, 103706.
• Davies, M. 2024, 'Parallel Histories: A radical project taking Israel-Palestine into schools', The Guardian, 14 December.
• Alyan, H. 2023, 'What a Palestinian-American wants you to know about dehumanization', Teen Vogue.